Blogs from Michael_Novakhov (21 sites): The FBI News Review: Kidnapping Suspect Researched the ‘Perfect Abduction’: FBI – NBC 5 Dallas-Fort Worth

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June 11, 2019
Kidnapping Suspect Researched the ‘Perfect Abduction’: FBI – NBC 5 Dallas-Fort Worth
“fbi” – Google News: Former FBI Agent hosts trauma training to combat adverse childhood experiences – WJHL-TV News Channel 11
“fbi criticism” – Google News: WATCH: Little boy very excited to be at Walmart – KGBT-TV
Crime and Criminology from Michael_Novakhov (10 sites): Michael Novakhov on Twitter from Michael_Novakhov (4 sites): mikenov on Twitter: The FBI News Review: Trump’s toxic relationship with Deutsche Bank – Wh… fbinewsreview.blogspot.com/2019/06/trumps…

Kidnapping Suspect Researched the ‘Perfect Abduction’: FBI – NBC 5 Dallas-Fort Worth

NBC 5 Dallas-Fort Worth
Kidnapping Suspect Researched the ‘Perfect Abduction’: FBI NBC 5 Dallas-Fort WorthA man was charged Friday with the kidnapping of a visiting Chinese scholar at the University of Illinois, authorities said.
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“fbi” – Google News: Former FBI Agent hosts trauma training to combat adverse childhood experiences – WJHL-TV News Channel 11

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Former FBI Agent hosts trauma training to combat adverse childhood experiences ELIZABETHTON, Tenn. (WJHL/ABC-Tri-Cities) A former FBI agent is training local law enforcement and community members to recognize children’s mental health needs and address traumatic experiences.
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“fbi criticism” – Google News: WATCH: Little boy very excited to be at Walmart – KGBT-TV

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WATCH: Little boy very excited to be at Walmart KGBT-TVWASHINGTON (SBG) — “Are you kidding me?!” This little boy’s reaction to being at Walmart will warm your heart. Brooks couldn’t contain his excitement when …
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The FBI News Review: Trump’s toxic relationship with Deutsche Bank – Wh… fbinewsreview.blogspot.com/2019/06/trumps… Posted by mikenov on Wednesday, June 12th, 2019 12:53am mikenov on Twitter
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The FBI News Review

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Michael Novakhov – SharedNewsLinks℠: Trump’s toxic relationship with Deutsche Bank – What Mueller Didn’t Cover, But Congress Can – 8:51 PM 6/11/2019


Michael_Novakhov
shared this story
from The FBI News Review.

Trump family finances
First, recent reporting by the New York Times and ProPublica on Trump’s toxic relationship with Deutsche Bank over the same period of time that it facilitated the laundering of at least $10 billion worth of rubles would be a good place to start. The House Intelligence Committee’s subpoena of Trump’s records with the bank indicates that it agrees, but it would also do well to examine Jared Kushner’s accounts, which have also been identified in Russian transactions. In conjunction with the likely eventual release of Trump’s New York State tax returns and, in time, his federal returns, Deutsche Bank’s records should provide a much clearer picture of the president’s finances, obligations, and potential exposure to foreign influence. No other modern president has been at once so boastful and so secretive about his wealth, and certainly none in modern times have refused to release their tax returns. That Trump has attempted in the past to draw a red line around his personal and company finances might as well serve as a red blinking arrow to Congressional investigators who cannot be fired by the chief executive or controlled by his political appointees.
Michael Novakhov – SharedNewsLinks℠
What Mueller Didn’t Cover, But Congress Can

Michael_Novakhov shared this story from Just Security.

The House Intelligence Committee hearings on the first volume of the Mueller report and the FBI’s underlying counterintelligence probe are scheduled to begin Wednesday with the testimony of two former senior Bureau officials and a former Assistant US Attorney. As one of these witnesses, Stephanie Douglas, has written of Russia’s election interference efforts in Just Security, “I am not sure there are many intelligence plans which work any better than this one.” The use of the present tense is unlikely to be accidental.

Michael Novakhov – SharedNewsLinks℠

Blogs from Michael_Novakhov (21 sites): The FBI News Review: Trump’s toxic relationship with Deutsche Bank – What Mueller Didn’t Cover, But Congress Can – 8:51 PM 6/11/2019

Trump family finances
First, recent reporting by the New York Times and ProPublica on Trump’s toxic relationship with Deutsche Bank over the same period of time that it facilitated the laundering of at least $10 billion worth of rubles would be a good place to start. The House Intelligence Committee’s subpoena of Trump’s records with the bank indicates that it agrees, but it would also do well to examine Jared Kushner’s accounts, which have also been identified in Russian transactions. In conjunction with the likely eventual release of Trump’s New York State tax returns and, in time, his federal returns, Deutsche Bank’s records should provide a much clearer picture of the president’s finances, obligations, and potential exposure to foreign influence. No other modern president has been at once so boastful and so secretive about his wealth, and certainly none in modern times have refused to release their tax returns. That Trump has attempted in the past to draw a red line around his personal and company finances might as well serve as a red blinking arrow to Congressional investigators who cannot be fired by the chief executive or controlled by his political appointees.
Michael Novakhov – SharedNewsLinks℠
What Mueller Didn’t Cover, But Congress Can

Michael_Novakhov shared this story from Just Security.

The House Intelligence Committee hearings on the first volume of the Mueller report and the FBI’s underlying counterintelligence probe are scheduled to begin Wednesday with the testimony of two former senior Bureau officials and a former Assistant US Attorney. As one of these witnesses, Stephanie Douglas, has written of Russia’s election interference efforts in Just Security, “I am not sure there are many intelligence plans which work any better than this one.” The use of the present tense is unlikely to be accidental.

The FBI News Review

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Brooklyn Paper: Full articles: Former Community Board chairman defends bogus pay-raises in court

See this story at BrooklynPaper.com.

By Aidan Graham and Kevin Duggan

Brooklyn Paper

A former Gowanus community board manager testified in Brooklyn Supreme Court on June 11 that he believed he had permission to use his colleagues’ signatures to grant himself multiple pay-raises.

Craig Hammerman, the 27-year former district manager of Community Board 6, faces up to seven years behind bars after using the John Hancock of two former board chairmen in multiple letters to the city to secure salary bumps.

Hammerman took the stand before Supreme Court Justice Donald Leo to tell the jury that he had been authorized to use the signatures for community board business, as he did in four bogus letters to the city, between May 2015 and October 2017, which increased his salary from $105,180 to $121,931.

“I believed I had the authority to act on my own,” Hammerman told the jury. “I didn’t think I had to ask.”

One of the letters was purportedly signed by former-Chairman Gary Riley, who acknowledged to the jury on June 7 that he had given Hammerman a scan of his signature. He said he assumed that Hammerman would only use it for everyday business matters such as refilling office supplies or corresponding with liquor license applicants the board deals with on a regular basis.

“I thought it was implicit that it was for the sake of convenience,” Riley told prosecuting attorney Adam Libove.

Riley admitted that the two men never discussed formal limits on Hammerman’s use of the signature, but told the jury that he had been unaware of his involvement in salary decisions.

“I didn’t know that I had anything to do with raises at the time,” he said. “It never came up.”

Yet in May 2015, the Office of Management and Budget — the agency in charge of allocating the city’s funds — received a letter, which was supposedly signed by Riley, asking for a five percent increase in salary for Hammerman and two other board employees, according Eileen Galarneau, the city rep who approved the raise.

During trial testimony, Reilly said he had never heard about that letter, and that he neither wrote nor signed it.

Hammerman conceded that he did not get Riley’s express authorization for the letter, but said he felt that it was within his purview to use the signature to essentially grant himself a raise.

“It was tradition, custom, and practice of the board to pass along raises without explicit approval of the board,” he said.

Riley, an attorney, had served as the chair of the board — a quasi-governmental body of volunteers which covers Gowanus, Park Slope, Carroll Gardens, Cobble Hill, Columbia Waterfront, and Red Hook — for little more than a year in 2015 and stepped down the following year when he moved upstate, he told the court.

After his resignation, Riley was succeeded as chairman by Sayar Lonial, whose signature appears on three other pay-raise related documents, which Lonial also knew nothing about.

Members of the civic group discovered their manager’s scheme during an internal review, which eventually led to the District Attorney Eric Gonzalez launching a case against him in May 2018, this paper reported at the time.

The internal review came while Hammerman was on a six-month hiatus after he was arrested in 2017 on stalking charges, which officials later dropped.

The presiding judge barred prosecutors from questioning Hammeran about the stalking arrest at his trial testimony, during which he claimed that his pay-raise actions were meant to benefit the board’s two other paid employees — the assistant district manager and the office manager.

“I wanted to make sure that my staff members received it,” said Hammerman. “It was almost immaterial to me.”

But despite Hammerman’s stated uninterest in his personal salary increase, he stood to gain substantially.

The four total sham documents lead to a $16,751 annual salary bump, which also increased Hammerman’s city pension by almost $10,000 per year, an official with the city’s retirement system told the court.

Hammerman’s retirement benefits swelled from $60,499 to $70,134, which he is set to receive every year from the age of 62 until his death, according Bruce Farbstein of the city’s Employee Retirement System.

The district manager is one of the few paid positions on the board that is made up almost entirely by volunteers, including the chair.

During their various turns on the witness stand, Riley and Lonial seems to differ on whether Hammerman deserved the raise in the first place.

Lonial claimed told the court that, if asked, he would not have signed off on Hammerman’s raise request. By contrast, Riley said that he thought that Hammerman did a good job as district manager, something he put in writing on Hammerman’s LinkedIn page in 2011, where wrote that the board was lucky to have a manager with such longtime experience.

“I can’t emphasize enough how important it is to the work of CB6 to have a District Manager of Craig’s caliber. We are lucky to have him,” Reilly wrote on the business-oriented social media site. “Craig possesses a wealth of institutional knowledge on the issues affecting our community, the history of our neighborhoods, and the paths to navigate in the City’s bureaucracy.”

By the end of his tenure, Hammerman was the third-highest paid district manager of all 18 community boards in the borough, surpassed only by Community Board 18’s Dottie Turano, who raked in a staggering $154,725 in 2017, and Community Board 1’s Gerald Esposito, who collected $126,882.

The average salary for managers across the five boroughs was $92,000 at the time, according to Galarneau.

The latter board recently came into hot water when it spent $26,000 to buy an SUV by using a $42,500 Council grant meant to boost the city’s 59 cash-strapped boards, The City reported.

Hammerman’s trial in ongoing. If convicted by the jury, Hammerman would face seven years in prison at sentencing for the pay-raise scheme.

Comment on this story.

Brooklyn Paper: Full articles

Michael Novakhov on Twitter from Michael_Novakhov (4 sites): mikenov on Twitter: What Mueller Didn’t Cover, But Congress Can An understanding of the president’s finances and potential business ties to Russia prior to the campaign are a crucial starting point for understanding the scope of the Russian effort. Mueller didn’t give us that trumpandtrumpism.com/mike-novas-sha… pic.twitter.com/1ae4985lTZ

What Mueller Didn’t Cover, But Congress Can
An understanding of the president’s finances and potential business ties to Russia prior to the campaign are a crucial starting point for understanding the scope of the Russian effort. Mueller didn’t give us that
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Blogs from Michael_Novakhov (21 sites): Michael Novakhov on Twitter from Michael_Novakhov (4 sites): mikenov on Twitter: What Mueller Didn’t Cover, But Congress Can An understanding of the president’s finances and potential business ties to Russia prior to the campaign are a crucial starting point for understanding the scope of the Russian effort. Mueller didn’t give us that trumpandtrumpism.com/mike-novas-sha… pic.twitter.com/1ae4985lTZ

What Mueller Didn’t Cover, But Congress Can
An understanding of the president’s finances and potential business ties to Russia prior to the campaign are a crucial starting point for understanding the scope of the Russian effort. Mueller didn’t give us that
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Michael Novakhov – SharedNewsLinks℠: What Mueller Didn’t Cover, But Congress Can


Michael_Novakhov
shared this story
from Just Security.

The House Intelligence Committee hearings on the first volume of the Mueller report and the FBI’s underlying counterintelligence probe are scheduled to begin Wednesday with the testimony of two former senior Bureau officials and a former Assistant US Attorney. As one of these witnesses, Stephanie Douglas, has written of Russia’s election interference efforts in Just Security, “I am not sure there are many intelligence plans which work any better than this one.” The use of the present tense is unlikely to be accidental.

Despite its thoroughness in investigating certain aspects of Russia’s election interference, the Mueller report addresses only a narrow slice of a larger intelligence story that is still unfolding. President Donald Trump’s curious relationship with Russia did not begin with the Trump Tower Moscow deal and it has not ended with his inauguration—more or less the time frame analyzed in the first volume of the report. Chairman Adam Schiff’s committee’s oversite mandate certainly includes the activities and relationships described in volume one, but is not limited to them. There are many questions to be asked, therefore, not only about why Mueller framed his investigation as he did, but also about what he left outside of the picture entirely.

So what exactly are the potential lines of further inquiry for Congress to pursue?

Questions for Mueller

Mueller’s statement on May 29 that he would provide no new information to Congress beyond what he has already concluded in writing appeared to back-foot Democrats who had hoped to make his testimony the showpiece of their enquiry. They were naïve if their surprise was genuine. Over two years, the Mueller investigation was a model of professionalism, with prosecutors maintaining essentially absolute silence in the knowledge that even the smallest verbal misstep could undermine their final report. The notion that Mueller would now affirmatively embrace testifying in a politicized public forum, in which verbal missteps are easy to make, seemed improbable. Nevertheless, House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerry Nadler has indicated that he may subpoena Mueller in the coming weeks or days, and his committee may not be the last to do so.

Volume one of the report raises numerous questions for which Mueller alone is the most appropriate witness, whether or not he feels able to answer. These questions include many of those proposed by the minority members of the Senate Judiciary Committee, but their list is only the beginning.

As a threshold matter, Congress and the country require a clearer explanation of exactly why Mueller’s inquiry into Russian electoral interference took the form that it did—the narrow investigation of evidence of conspiracy in Moscow’s social media interference and hacking and release of Clinton campaign emails. Specifically, what Justice Department directives or other considerations led the Special Counsel’s Office to focus only on these facets of Russia’s electoral interference and Americans’ potential involvement in those particular activities, while overlooking other activities or referring them to FBI counterintelligence?

That line of questioning seems particularly acute when Mueller’s apparent lack of investigation into the finances of candidate Trump are compared with the special counsel’s extensive forensic analysis of Paul Manafort’s accounts. At its root, Russia’s election interference was an effort to aid and compromise the Trump Organization and campaign. Trump’s personal eagerness to solicit Russian help was damning, but not necessarily compromising at least insofar as it was out in the open. Trump’s personal finances are another matter. Just as Manafort’s business dealings put him at the center of both criminal and reportedly counterintelligence investigations, an understanding of the president’s finances and potential business ties to Russia prior to the campaign are a crucial starting point for understanding the scope of the Russian effort. Mueller didn’t give us that.

Unfinished Business

Opening the House Intelligence Committee hearings with an overview of counterintelligence more generally is a wise move. Schiff would do well to ask his witnesses to lay out clearly what such an investigation consists of, how it is predicated, and how its standards differ from those of a criminal prosecution. The committee should also elicit clear answers as to when and how information learned through counterintelligence can be legally used to establish criminal predicates. Finally, the witnesses’ testimonies will hopefully emphasize the importance of counterintelligence operations to national security regardless of whether they result in prosecutions.

Any counterintelligence inquiry, much less one into the President of the United States, risks both taxing Congress’ investigatory powers and creating the appearance of a partisan fishing expedition. For that reason, the Intelligence Committee must be able to clearly articulate, for itself and for the American people, its justifications for its subpoenas of witnesses and documents.

At least four substantial lines of inquiry easily satisfy that requirement without duplicating the work of the Mueller report.

Trump family finances

First, recent reporting by the New York Times and ProPublica on Trump’s toxic relationship with Deutsche Bank over the same period of time that it facilitated the laundering of at least $10 billion worth of rubles would be a good place to start. The House Intelligence Committee’s subpoena of Trump’s records with the bank indicates that it agrees, but it would also do well to examine Jared Kushner’s accounts, which have also been identified in Russian transactions. In conjunction with the likely eventual release of Trump’s New York State tax returns and, in time, his federal returns, Deutsche Bank’s records should provide a much clearer picture of the president’s finances, obligations, and potential exposure to foreign influence. No other modern president has been at once so boastful and so secretive about his wealth, and certainly none in modern times have refused to release their tax returns. That Trump has attempted in the past to draw a red line around his personal and company finances might as well serve as a red blinking arrow to Congressional investigators who cannot be fired by the chief executive or controlled by his political appointees.

Real estate

Second, the negotiations over Trump Tower Moscow and any other projects in the region involving potentially illicit finance deserve deeper scrutiny. Trump’s interest in Moscow real estate development dates to the late Soviet era, and his latest efforts must be understood as part of a long-term strategic campaign on both sides to court one another. Since the mid-2000’s, the Trump Organization has focused largely on foreign licensing deals and extensively targeted the former Soviet republics, largely with the assistance of figures such as Michael Cohen and Felix Sater. Trump pursued but failed to execute deals in Georgia, Latvia, and Kazakhstan. In Baku, Azerbaijan, a Trump tower went up, with the design closely overseen by Ivanka Trump personally and the Trump Organization evidently unconcerned that its partners on the ground were the close family of Transportation Minister Ziya Mammadov, a man described in diplomatic cables released by WikiLeaks as “notoriously corrupt even for Azerbaijan.”

One need not, however, license a tower in Baku to engage in corruption through luxury real estate. All-cash deals for overpriced properties is money laundering 101, a phenomenon Eric Trump is reported to have inadvertently described while bragging about Trump SoHo. “As the experience of the past few years shows, the best property buyers now are Russian,” he said. “They’re different in that they can go around without a mortgage loan from American banks, that require income checks and they can buy apartments with cash.” The journalist Craig Unger has identified numerous instances of Russian criminals laundering assets through Trump apartments and casinos since at least 1984, but notes, “no one has ever documented that Trump was even aware of any suspicious entanglements….”

The particular incarnation of Trump Tower Moscow at issue in the Mueller report is, of course, especially incriminating because it was contemporaneous with Trump’s campaign for president. Mueller’s conspiracy inquiry did not include within its scope any possible quid pro quo understanding that arose from these negotiations, but the timing is highly reminiscent of Russia’s apparent financial support offered to other populist movements such as Brexit, Marine Le Pen’s party in France, and Italy’s Lega Nord.

The vehicle for such support may well have been Genbank, which was prepared to support a visa application for a 2016 Trump visit. Arising swiftly from obscurity when it became a leading bank in Russian occupied Crimea, Genbank is under sanction by the Treasury Department. What’s more, the bank is partially owned by Evgeny Dvoskin, who was deported from the United States after pleading guilty in federal court to tax evasion charges. Dvoskin previously lived in Brighton Beach in much the same milieu as Sater.

As former FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe told ProPublica/WNYC in a recent podcast, “From a strictly counterintelligence perspective, these are exactly the sort of connections and historical overlaps that you look for when you’re trying to determine whether or not a person or an organization could be subject to foreign influence …. Why is it that there are so many … people who have official connections to sanctioned entities or banks in Russia who are interacting with the president, with his associates, with his family members. Have we ever seen that before …?”

Neither a quid pro quo relationship with the Kremlin nor corrupt financing arrangements or money laundering are necessary, however, for Trump’s behavior to pose a national security threat. His lies were probably sufficient. That a major party candidate was pursuing a sweetheart real estate deal with a foreign hostile power while seeking the personal support of that regime’s president is bad enough. Just as dangerous was the leverage given to Russia by the Trump Organization’s eagerness to come to an agreement while lying about it repeatedly to the American public. That President Putin’s press secretary Dmitry Peskov was even in a position to lie to the American press on behalf of the U.S. president is deeply concerning and raises the obvious question of what else is being kept from the public.

Secret communication channels

Third, while Mueller’s report identifies several backchannels attempted between the Trump campaign and transition teams and Russia, the broader counterintelligence probe must also consider Trump’s relationship with Russia while in office. Although close congressional monitoring of the executive branch’s foreign policy deliberations is atypical, this is an atypical case of a president’s diplomacy constituting a potential intelligence threat.

Consider the case of Jared Kushner, who, according to the Mueller report when informed by Michael Flynn “that there was no secure line in the Transition Team offices,” asked Ambassador Kislyak, “if they could communicate using secure facilities at the Russian Embassy. Kislyak quickly rejected that idea.” That’s where the Mueller report leaves it, and where Congress can surely pick up the thread.

Any efforts by the president to establish further backchannels while in office should be examined alongside his practice of meeting with the Russian president without note takers. In January, the Washington Post reported that “US officials said there is no detailed record, even in classified files, of Trump’s face-to-face interactions with the Russian leader at five locations over the past two years.” The White House called this “outrageously inaccurate,” without denying its substance.

Political campaign

Fourth and finally, conspicuous by their absence from the report are the storylines of the National Rifle Association’s connection with Russian spy Maria Butina and of Cambridge Analytica’s potential connections to WikiLeaks and Russians. The latter has already been issued document requests by the House Judiciary Committee, but both are fundamentally matters of counterintelligence. Congress can and should investigate the roles these entities played in the 2016 election.

Volume One and the Investigation Moving Forward

Chairman Schiff has his work cut out for him both in ensuring that his committee does not descend into partisan hysterics and in finding suitable witnesses to address a complex counterintelligence investigation that has now occupied the FBI for several years. Whereas the Judiciary Committee’s hearings on obstruction perhaps suffer from the surfeit of evidence in the report—evidence both damning and quite clear, if not accepted as reality by many Republicans—much of the intelligence committee’s work will need to break new ground. On Wednesday, perhaps we will get a hint of how deep they think they can dig.

IMAGE: Chris McGrath/Getty Images

Michael Novakhov – SharedNewsLinks℠

BKLYNER: Brooklyn BP Tells Albany to Put Prevailing Wage Law on Ice

CITY HALL—Brooklyn Borough President Eric Adams on Tuesday called on Albany to pump the brakes on a measure that would increase the number of developments subject to prevailing wage requirements, putting him at odds with many New York progressives. “Any time you talk about affordable housing, people ask the question ‘Affordable for who.’ The question […]

BKLYNER

Michael Novakhov – SharedNewsLinks℠: 5:22 PM 6/11/2019 – Trumpworld Insider: Trump Puffery ‘All A Lie,’ ‘Make Believe’ | The Beat With Ari Melber | MSNBC | Trump and Trumpism – Review Of News And Opinions


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5:22 PM 6/11/2019 – Trumpworld Insider: Trump Puffery ‘All A Lie,’ ‘Make Believe’ | The Beat With Ari Melber | MSNBC – Post Link

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Trumpworld Insider: Trump Puffery ‘All A Lie,’ ‘Make Believe’ | The Beat With Ari Melber | MSNBC

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Trumpworld Insider: Trump Puffery ‘All A Lie,’ ‘Make Believe’ | The Beat With Ari Melber | MSNBC
 

From: msnbcleanforward
Duration: 11:44

Trump backs down after threatening Mexico tariffs but touts a “secret” deal to avert a crisis. A Mexico official exposes Trump’s bluff, declaring “no secret deal” was ever made. Ari Melber examines Trump’s history of creating a fake crisis and then falsely claiming to solve them. Michael Wolff, author of “Siege: Trump Under Fire” takes you inside Trump’s world of “make believe.”
» Subscribe to MSNBC: http://on.msnbc.com/SubscribeTomsnbc

Michael Novakhov – SharedNewsLinks℠

Michael Novakhov – SharedNewsLinks℠: 5:15 PM 6/11/2019 – Trump says CIA won’t spy on Kim Jong Un after half brother’s killing | Trump and Trumpism – Review Of News And Opinions


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5:15 PM 6/11/2019 – Trump says CIA won’t spy on Kim Jong Un after half brother’s killing – Post Link

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Trump says CIA won’t spy on Kim Jong Un after half brother’s killing

Trumpworld Insider: Trump Puffery ‘All A Lie,’ ‘Make Believe’ | The Beat With Ari Melber | MSNBC
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Michael Novakhov – SharedNewsLinks℠
Trump says CIA won’t spy on Kim Jong Un after half brother’s killing

Michael_Novakhov shared this story from Feedburner.

President Donald Trump was asked on Tuesday about a Wall Street Journal report that Kim Jong Nam, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un’s slain half brother, was a CIA source.

Trump said he had seen the story but that nothing like that would occur under his watch.

“I saw the information about the CIA with respect to his brother or half brother, and I would tell him that would not happen under my auspice that’s for sure,” Trump told a press gaggle before boarding the presidential helicopter.

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5:15 PM 6/11/2019 – #Trump says #CIA won’t #spy on #Kim Jong Un after half brother’s #killing trumpandtrumpism.com/2019/06/11/515…


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Blogs from Michael_Novakhov (21 sites): Michael Novakhov on Twitter from Michael_Novakhov (4 sites): mikenov on Twitter: 5:15 PM 6/11/2019 – #Trump says #CIA won’t #spy on #Kim Jong Un after half brother’s #killing trumpandtrumpism.com/2019/06/11/515…

5:15 PM 6/11/2019 – #Trump says #CIA won’t #spy on #Kim Jong Un after half brother’s #killing trumpandtrumpism.com/2019/06/11/515…


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